Interesting shared world storyline.
Sworn Allies (Fleet, book 4) by David Drake and Bill Fawcett
Nice SiFi background universe. Good selection of stories and writers. This is a new release from Event Horizon EBooks, an e-book reprint of the original hard copy book. Note that the rating is posted by the publisher. Wayne Ewart rated it liked it Jul 05, Dan Payment rated it it was amazing Jul 24, Cicero2k rated it liked it Feb 15, Ron rated it liked it May 26, Efram rated it really liked it Sep 06, Colin rated it really liked it Aug 19, Kelley rated it really liked it Aug 24, George rated it really liked it Feb 05, Riley Costa rated it really liked it Sep 26, Rod Fritsch rated it it was amazing May 06, Mel rated it really liked it Feb 12, Kurtis rated it really liked it Feb 17, Karen Louchart rated it really liked it Oct 17, Mark Montgomery rated it it was amazing Jan 10, John Besta rated it liked it Sep 23, Aaron rated it it was amazing Jun 12, Les Tuck rated it liked it Jan 12, Scott M rated it it was amazing Aug 14, Monty Hedstrom rated it really liked it Jul 28, Andre rated it really liked it Jun 25, Jim Parker rated it it was amazing Apr 16, Who uses the bully pulpit to target individual critics?
Who creates blind trusts that are not blind, invites his children to commingle private and public business, and somehow gets the unhappy members of his own political party either to endorse his choices or shrug them off?
e-book The Fleet - Book Four - Sworn Allies
Congress can subpoena records, question officials, and even impeach them. Congress can protect the American system from an overbearing president. As politics has become polarized, Congress has increasingly become a check only on presidents of the opposite party. Recent presidents enjoying a same-party majority in Congress—Barack Obama in and , George W. Bush from through —usually got their way. And congressional oversight might well be performed even less diligently during the Trump administration. The first reason to fear weak diligence is the oddly inverse relationship between President Trump and the congressional Republicans.
This time, it will be Paul Ryan, the speaker of the House, doing the advancing—and consequently the overlooking. He can—and would—break faith with them in an instant to further his own interests.
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Yet here they are, on the verge of achieving everything they have hoped to achieve for years, if not decades. The greatest risk to all their projects and plans is the very same X factor that gave them their opportunity: Donald Trump, and his famously erratic personality. What excites Trump is his approval rating, his wealth, his power.
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Who doubts Trump would do it? Not Paul Ryan. Not Mitch McConnell, the Senate majority leader. For the first time since the administration of John Tyler in the s, a majority in Congress must worry about their president defecting from them rather than the other way around. A scandal involving the president could likewise wreck everything that Republican congressional leaders have waited years to accomplish.
However deftly they manage everything else, they cannot prevent such a scandal. But there is one thing they can do: their utmost not to find out about it. Ryan has learned his prudence the hard way. Once unassailable in the party, he suddenly found himself disliked by 45 percent of Republicans. The Senate historically has offered more scope to dissenters than the House. Yet even that institution will find itself under pressure. Ambition will counteract ambition only until ambition discovers that conformity serves its goals better.
Discipline within the congressional ranks will be strictly enforced not only by the party leadership and party donors, but also by the overwhelming influence of Fox News. In both cases, the early indicators seemed to favor the women. Yet in the end it was the men who won, Hannity even more decisively than Trump. Kelly landed on her feet, of course, but Fox learned its lesson: Trump sells; critical coverage does not. From the point of view of the typical Republican member of Congress, Fox remains all-powerful: the single most important source of visibility and affirmation with the voters whom a Republican politician cares about.
He was drowned out by booing, and the following year, he lost his primary with only 29 percent of the vote, a crushing repudiation for an incumbent untouched by any scandal. Fox is reinforced by a carrier fleet of supplementary institutions: super pac s, think tanks, and conservative web and social-media presences, which now include such former pariahs as Breitbart and Alex Jones. So long as the carrier fleet coheres—and unless public opinion turns sharply against the president—oversight of Trump by the Republican congressional majority will very likely be cautious, conditional, and limited.
Donald Trump will not set out to build an authoritarian state. His immediate priority seems likely to be to use the presidency to enrich himself. But as he does so, he will need to protect himself from legal risk.
Being Trump, he will also inevitably wish to inflict payback on his critics. Construction of an apparatus of impunity and revenge will begin haphazardly and opportunistically. But it will accelerate. It will have to. Newt Gingrich, the former speaker of the House, who often articulates Trumpist ideas more candidly than Trump himself might think prudent, offered a sharp lesson in how difficult it will be to enforce laws against an uncooperative president. I pardon them if anybody finds them to have behaved against the rules.
That statement is true, and it points to a deeper truth: The United States may be a nation of laws, but the proper functioning of the law depends upon the competence and integrity of those charged with executing it. A president determined to thwart the law in order to protect himself and those in his circle has many means to do so.
The powers of appointment and removal are another. The president appoints and can remove the commissioner of the IRS. He appoints and can remove the inspectors general who oversee the internal workings of the Cabinet departments and major agencies. He appoints and can remove the 93 U. He appoints and can remove the attorney general, the deputy attorney general, and the head of the criminal division at the Department of Justice. Yet the hedges may not hold in the future as robustly as they have in the past.
But the U. And while the U. Yet in the years ahead, these restraints may also prove less robust than they look. Republicans in Congress have long advocated reforms to expedite the firing of underperforming civil servants.
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If reform is dramatic and happens in the next two years, however, the balance of power between the political and the professional elements of the federal government will shift, decisively, at precisely the moment when the political elements are most aggressive. It would be a mighty power—and highly useful.
As Donald Trump correctly told reporters and editors from The New York Times on November 22, presidents are not bound by the conflict-of-interest rules that govern everyone else in the executive branch. Presidents from Jimmy Carter onward have balanced this unique exemption with a unique act of disclosure: the voluntary publication of their income-tax returns. At a press conference on January 11, Trump made clear that he will not follow that tradition. His attorney instead insisted that everything the public needs to know is captured by his annual financial-disclosure report, which is required by law for executive-branch employees and from which presidents are not exempt.
They are written with stocks and bonds in mind, to capture mortgage liabilities and deferred executive compensation—not the labyrinthine deals of the Trump Organization and its ramifying networks of partners and brand-licensing affiliates. The truth is in the tax returns, and they will not be forthcoming. Even outright bribe-taking by an elected official is surprisingly difficult to prosecute, and was made harder still by the Supreme Court in , when it overturned, by an 8—0 vote, the conviction of former Virginia Governor Bob McDonnell.
McDonnell and his wife had taken valuable gifts of cash and luxury goods from a favor seeker. McDonnell then set up meetings between the favor seeker and state officials who were in a position to help him. The McDonnells had been convicted on a combined 20 counts. The Supreme Court objected, however, that the lower courts had interpreted federal anticorruption law too broadly. Trump is poised to mingle business and government with an audacity and on a scale more reminiscent of a leader in a post-Soviet republic than anything ever before seen in the United States.
A spokesman for the Argentine president denied that the two men had discussed the building on their call. But illegal, post- McDonnell? How many presidentially removable officials would dare even initiate an inquiry? But as written, this seems to present a number of loopholes. First, the clause applies only to the president himself, not to his family members.
Second, it seems to govern benefits only from foreign governments and state-owned enterprises, not from private business entities. If Congress is apprised of an apparent emolument, and declines to do anything about it, does that qualify as consent? Finally, how is this clause enforced? Could someone take President Trump to court and demand some kind of injunction? Will the courts grant standing? The clause seems to presume an active Congress and a vigilant public.
What if those are lacking? It is essential to recognize that Trump will use his position not only to enrich himself; he will enrich plenty of other people too, both the powerful and—sometimes, for public consumption—the relatively powerless. Venezuelan state TV even aired a regular program to showcase weeping recipients of new houses and free appliances. Americans recently got a preview of their own version of that show as grateful Carrier employees thanked then-President-elect Trump for keeping their jobs in Indiana.
Bray, a year-old Carrier employee, told Fortune. A lot of the workers are in shock.