Schweigen und Schuld: Die Last der Kinder von NS-Tätern (German Edition)

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Emlékezés a kommunista bűntettekre: a Terror Háza és az Új Köztemető

Twitter Facebook. Home DMCA. Home Catalog. During three major incidents in , West Germany was forced to confront the Nazi past. In May, after more than ten years of discussion, parliament prepared to adopt the so-called Emergency Laws. The Grand Coalition now had sufficient votes to pass laws that would establish an important prerequisite to West Germany's full autonomy, ending the Western allies' right to intervene in emergency situations.

At a huge protest march on the eve of the passage of those laws, opponents recalled the emergency laws of the s that had been used to undermine democracy during the Weimar Republic and that had eased Hitler's path to power. Not only the military aura of the occasion raised the ire of young Germans, who felt the anti-imperialist lesson of Nazi aggression was being ignored. More recently, in April , he had ordered the brutal dispersal of mass demonstrations after an attempt was made on student leader Rudi Dutschke's life. When someone called out "C'est les fascistes!

One protester described his experience that day: "Five cops grabbed my Vietnam flag, but I didn't let go When we went past the VIP bleachers an old antifascist jumped down and punched me in the face. I lost my flag. A half hour later the old man came running up to me, hugged me, stroked my cheek again and again, and repeated, probably about ten times, 'Pardon, mon camarade.

UBC Theses and Dissertations

The third climactic event took place in Berlin on November 7, , coincidentally the eve of the thirtieth anniversary of the Kristallnacht pogrom. She was immediately arrested. The twenty-nine-year-old wife of the French Nazi hunter Serge Klarsfeld, who had long condemned Kiesinger's past as a top-ranked propaganda official in the Nazi Foreign Office, read a prepared statement expressing the "rage" of German youth over the leadership roles of former Nazis. Anecdotal evidence suggests that it was substantial.

Prior to the summer of , the use of analogies was rooted more in political instrumentalism than in a detailed knowledge of these events. Several studies conducted in the second half of the s confirm this finding. For example, a study in characterized the attitudes of young people who evinced interest in the Nazi era as "cool, rational, upstanding.

For instance, when a study of historical consciousness among young Germans was republished in , its authors wrote, "Although the younger generation's political sensibilities and readiness to become politically involved have remarkably expanded, its ahistorical relationship to the past has not changed.

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Generally sympathetic to the political concerns of the young protesters, they rejected their radical methods and attempted to find a following among the moderates. Many of them were among the West German intellectuals who in March signed a public appeal to demonstrators and police to respect legality. Anecdotes such as the following suggest that even with the passage of time some radicals did not gain a deeper, self-critical understanding of the implications of the Nazi past for the present.

In the s a high-school student recalled: We once had a history teacher. Long beard, ski sweater, jeans - the works. Boy, did he carry on about everything. For hours, he'd talk about the Jews, the Communists, the Gypsies, the Russians - victims, nothing but victims. Once, someone asked him in class: "Tell us, where was the madness? Why did all those people shout hurrah anti Heil',. There must have been something to it. He called the boy who'd asked the question a neo-Nazi, asked him whether he had no respect for the victims, and so on Then he let loose.

He screamed at us. Gone was that left-wing softy of the sixties. All hell broke loose. At last we had broken through the facade of this all-understanding, allknowing, all-explaining puppet. However, a preponderance of evidence suggests that many members of the s generation did indeed develop a more self-reflective, less instrumental understanding of the causes of the Holocaust in the wake of The Jusos, the official youth organization of the Social Democratic Party, for instance, steered a course between the middle generation's general defense of the establishment and the APO's use of violent tactics.

In January the satirical magazine Pardon staged a symbolic reopening of the Dachau concentration camp to draw attention to the parallels between a proposed new "protective custody" law and its Nazi-era predecessor. In the fall of the annual commemorative ceremony for young people in Dachau was given a radically different format. Instead of speeches, three parallel working groups were organized to discuss three topics: "The goals and tactics of nonviolent resistance," "The roots of National Socialism and right-wing extremism today" and "Democracy and industrial society.

In March , the Dachau chapter of the Jusos developed an elaborate program of local research, seminars, films, and in-depth discussions that prefigured the development of Holocaust consciousness in West Germany during the next two decades.

When Brandt, a political exile between and , kneeled before the Warsaw ghetto monument in December , he expressed an openness to and a remorse for the Nazi past that would have been unthinkable just a few years earlier. The crassest example of this occurred during the hijacking of a French aircraft en route from Tel Aviv in June One of them showed his Auschwitz tattoo to the German hijackers, who responded that their goals were different from those of the Nazis. Although that may have been true, these young radicals' tactics certainly were not.

Contaminated Generativity: Holocaust Survivors and Their Children in Germany

In spite of this violent legacy, marked a watershed in the broader public awareness of Nazi criminality. As in West Germany, the subject of the Nazi extermination of the Jews was almost absent from Israeli public discourse until the s. Holocaust survivors, whose horrendous experiences were difficult to comprehend by a militantly pioneering society, bore the stigma of not having resisted.

Israel's public recollections of the Nazi era focused on ghetto uprisings, not on mass degradation and extermination. According to Tom Segev, the Holocaust served mainly as a political bargaining tool to obtain reparation payments from West Germany and to strengthen Israel's position in the international community. Adenauer's meeting with Prime Minister David Ben Gurion in New York on March 14, , paved the way for economic and military cooperation and for the establishment of full diplomatic relations in May In Israeli perceptions, West Germany remained a disconcerting amalgam of the old and the new.

Whereas West Germans produced analogies with the political chaos of the Weimar years, in Israel the primary comparison was between Hitler and Egypt's president, Gamal Abdel Nasser. Using a vocabulary reminiscent of Hitler, he promised to "exterminate" Jewish capitalists and create a "Greater Arabian Empire. As a soldier recalled, "People believed we would be exterminated if we lost the war.

European Intellectuals at the Intersection of War, Memory and Social Responsibility [...]

We got this idea - or inherited it - from the concentration camps. It's a concrete idea for anyone who has grown up in Israel, even if he personally didn't experience Hitler's persecution. Prime Minister Levi Eshkol, the main proponent of a moderate course, was compared to Neville Chamberlain.

Holocaust and Genocide Studies

Before the outbreak of war, Israelis satirized his efforts by joking that umbrellas were sold out in Tel Aviv. I identified directly with them. When I saw parents dragging their children along by the hand, I actually almost saw myself being dragged along by my own father It wasn't so noticeable in times of action, but just at those moments when we felt the suffering of others, of the Arabs, against whom we fought.

After press warnings that Israel was under a "threat of extermination," thousands of West Germans participated in pro-Israel demonstrations, made generous donations to aid-Israel societies, and volunteered to undertake reconstruction work after the war.

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One of the few critics of Israeli policy, the Polish Jewish Marxist Isaac Deutscher, argued that the legacy of the Holocaust in no way justified Israeli belligerence toward the Arabs, and that the consequences might he similar to those of Germany's extreme nationalism in the s. Israel's new role as an occupying power initiated a brief process of introspection about the role of the Holocaust in contemporary Israeli politics, but such reflections were neither widespread nor long lasting.

The terrorist murders of eleven Israeli athletes at the Olympics in Munich in and the Arab surprise attack on Israel in October rekindled the powerful imagery of annihilation. The hardliner Menachem Begin, a Holocaust survivor who had joined Eshkol's cabinet in , first spearheaded and then, as prime minister after , presided over the public use of the Holocaust as a legitimizing factor in Israeli politics. In the wake of the shock of , the divisive war in Lebanon, and the prolonged Palestinian uprising Intifada , large numbers of Israeli youth, joined by some members of the middle and older generations, not only challenged the automatic connection between Hitler and Arab leaders but also began to question their own behavior toward the Arab people.

A serious revision of the causes and results of the Six-Day War began, however, only with the end of the Cold War.

Israel's debate over the past and the present continues to this day. In the twentieth century, the United States departed from its traditional isolationism to assert itself as an international role model, as the "honest broker" in World War I, liberator in World War II, and vanguard of freedom and democracy during the Cold War. At the beginning of that decade, most young Americans perceived no connection between their elders and the period of the Holocaust.

Guide Schweigen und Schuld: Die Last der Kinder von NS-Tätern (German Edition)

The Johnson administration inverted the analogy of British appeasement in the s to justify its policy of supporting a beleaguered ally in Southeast Asia as part of America's Cold War commitment to freedom. Gar Alperovitz's Atomic Diplomacy: Hiroshima and Potsdam argued that the use of atomic weapons against Japan had been an unnecessary slaughter of human life. The dissemination of the experiments of the psychologist Stanley Milgram, which underscored a general human ability to inflict harm on others, diminished the sense of a specifically German responsibility, as well as of the complete innocence of others for the Holocaust.

That changed drastically in January , however, after North Vietnamese forces launched the massive Tet offensive, especially after photographs of the shooting of a suspectedVietcong infiltrator brought the war's brutality home to millions of Americans. A helicopter reconnaissance pilot who rescued some of the civilians recalled the massacre in terns of "what the Nazis had done in the last war - marching people to a ditch and blowing them away. Historian Edward Linenthal considers the Six-Day War "by far the most important event in the resurrection of Holocaust imagery in American life.

In the American antiwar movement, like its West German counterpart, employed extensive Holocaust imagery to challenge the morality and legitimacy of its government's Cold War policies.